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Ethiopia is once again in the spotlight with a conflict episode at Ti Sivo. I'm disappointed, but I'm not surprised. For anyone quick to grasp the intricacies of Ethiopia's transitional laws, the increased pressure between the central government and your gray nation in the initial confrontation and the military is hardly surprising. The indication is for the pleasure of observing all as the battle assemblies transparently regulate their respective powers for a complete set of results.

 

 

 

While the ghosts of war held our heads for a strong two years, the weeks before conventional conflict began were particularly disturbing. As opposition between the central government and the Gray States mounts, bureaucratic and gray state sources routinely point to military marches, heavily infiltrated commando paratroopers and special forces in red berets acting on models in clear demonstrations of power. All signs indicate that conflict is imminent. At that moment, November 4, 2020 came: the nation was awakened by news of another dangerous conflict.

 

 

 

We, in developing the Oromo protest, correctly predicted this danger for some time before the drum wars between Finance and Maëlle began, and we worked hard to repel the tragic massacre. Unfortunately, all political artists and outside partners – including us – have been neglected to avoid conflict, even though they have had enough time and momentum to do what currently makes creative minds seem so disheartening. But why do we fail?

 

 

 

Below I will outline some of our efforts and considerations as to why we have not yet achieved the ideal result, with valid considerations in clearing up misinformation and as a useful exercise in exploring further the deceptive area of ​​Ethiopia's truly perplexing political change. . Note that because I am sitting in four partitions of a prison cell, I will not approach my diary and other useful reference material, relying on recollected recollections of the setting of events on the subject.

 

 

 

Long before Prime Minister Abi Ahmed became the administrative union administrator at the time and finally took over leading the interim interaction - the truth must be told before the Oromo protests go live, we realized that one of our main tasks was to devise a system to weaken the important Oversight of the dictatorial system without drowning a country that was subjugated into a general conflict or, even worse, without turning it into a bombed state.

 

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